On the Grammaticalization of Japanese Tara
Japanese Oral Narrative Style by Native and Non-Native Speakers
A Proposal of an Alternate Hypothesis on the “To Construction” in Temporal Use for Past Specific Events
An Analysis of Similar Expressions: The Case of Sugu vs. Moosugu
Polite or Impolite? : The Functions of Rising Intonation in the Speech of Young Japanese
Graphic Representation of the Functions of Japanese Particles
A Matrix of Honor: Use of Honorifics and the Human Network in a Japanese Classroom
Japanese Language Curriculum Unit Based on Japanese Folk Tales Using Hypermedia Software Connected to Computer Networks
Print ISSN: 1481-5168 Online ISSN: 1929-3135
There are numerous and complex characteristics in Japanese verbs, especially when it comes to classify the intransitive and transitive verbs. Recently, in the attempts to account for the correspondence of intransitive verbs and transitive verbs, many studies have proposed new criteria for the verbal classification. The purpose of this study is to try to classify Japanese verbs according to the following three points: “whether or not a verb has its correspondent transitive/intransitive partner,” whether such and such verb expresses “volitionality,” on one hand and “agentivity” on the other hand, as those two points have been considered as crucial in recent studies. Our study will show that Japanese verbs can be divided into five groups, according to those three criteria. It was also found that one of the groups aligned with a verb group classified in other researchers.
Japanese predicates generally include modality markers (e.g., sentence-final particles, relationally specific forms of the copula) which express the speaker’s standpoint much more frequently than English predicates/ Thus, researchers such as Matsumoto (1989) and Ide (1992) claim that the Japanese way of communicating differs from that of English speakers in that it is all but impossible to express propositional content without modal modification. In other words, a Japanese utterance necessarily indicates where the speaker stands in a particular context, while an English speaker may distance him-/herself from a speech context and make pronouncements of a more “objective” nature. This paper defines the notion of “pragmatic modality” as those elements which express the speaker’s contextualized perspective, including forms of address, both what is said and left unsaid, at what point in a conversation particular statements occur, etc. It then arguesthat the notions such as “territory of information,” “discernment (wakimae)” “face,” “dependence (amae)” and “inside vs. outside” play key roles in forming the speaker’s perspective. Finally, the applicability of the aforementioned key concepts to explanations of interlingual politeness phenomena from the perspective of “pragmatic modality.”
The Japanese temporal/conditional connective tara ‘if/when’ has been studied most typically in synchronic comparative perspectives with other connectives, namely, ba, to, and nara (kuno 1973; McGloin 1976-77). In a similar vein, the Old Japanese tari, the source of the Modern Japanese tara has been studied in comparison with the other perfect temporal auxiliaries (Fukuzawa 1997; Nomura 1994). Aside from these comparative contexts, tara has also started being analyzed in discoursal contexts (Akitsuka 1985; Jacobsen 1992; Mayes 1996). However, tara’s diachronic aspects as well as emotive/subjective meanings in discoursal contexts, and furthermore, the relationship between diachronic development and discoursal functions have largely been neglected. This paper aims to shed some light on these previously neglected areas through analyses of texts from Old Japanese to the present-day Japanese. Specifically, this paper delineates the developmental path in which the Old Japanese perfect auxiliary tari developed discourse interactional function s as seen in the present-day Japanese tara. In addition, this paper discusses how such development can be viewed in the context of grammaticalization (Givon 1979; Traugott 1989, 1995; Hopper and Traugott 1993).
The major purpose of this study is to explore: (a) What is the Japanese adult L1 oral narrative style? (b) Have native English-speaking bilinguals acquired the form characteristic of Japanese narrative style? In order to investigate these questions, I used total of hundred eighty narratives of childhood memories, stories of an injury, and memorable incidents during a trip which were told by fifteen native Japanese-speaking bilinguals (NJB) and fifteen native English-speaking bilinguals (NEB). These prompts have been used successfully for interviewing adults (McCabe and Peterson 1991), and children (Peterson and McCabe 1983). All tapes were first transcribed into utterances, and then broken into narrative clauses. Each narrative clause was scored as one of the following categories of High Point Analysis: attention, orientation, action, evaluation, outcome, and coda. Differences in narrative structure in Japanese and in English are explored using Stanza Analysis defines units, while High Point Analysis categories the content of units. In the Japanese narratives by both NJB and NEB the most frequent form was a stanza pattern consisting of three-lines. “Outcome” was used more in Japanese in all three kinds of stories by both NBJ and NEB. “Action” was used more in English injury story by both groups. In short NEB seems to have acquired the characteristic of Japanese narrative to some extent. Acquiring the narrative structure of L2 is important in terms of one’s comprehensibility in L2 in listening, speaking, reading, and writing. In order to maximize opportunities for the development of proficiency in narrative, more research on narrative style is necessary so that teachers of Japanese will be able to teach Japanese narrative style explicitly in the classroom.
Dans la première partie, nous proposerons l’explication systématique et globale des quatre formes grammaticales importantes du japonais: passif, causative, intransitive et transitif. En effet, ces quatre formes peuvent être expliquées systématiquement, plutôt que séparément, en les positionnant côte à côte sur une ligne droite. On varra que cette ligne est constituée par un procéssus de <double-recyclage> des verbes <aru> et <suru>. Dans un deuxième temps, nous comparerons les deux verbes: <aru> japonais et <do> anglais, lesquels jouent un rôle de première importance dans chacune des langues en question. Leur différence semble bien explicable sur le plan typologique, consolidant ainsi notre position présentée dans Kanaya (1997, 1998b).
This paper is a critical examination of Fujii’s (1993) hypothesis on the “to construction” in temporal use for past specific events in Japanese. Fujii (1993) treats the to constructive and the linked clauses as a whole as one grammatical construction, and names it the “to construction.” She explores one of the use of the construction, that is, “temporal use for past specific events,” and hypothesize that S1 (subordinate clause) establishes the setting for a cognitive change while S2 (main clause) describes the content of discovery. She proposes four types of aspectual schemes based on the patterns of combinations of “punctual” and durative.” This paper presents three counterexamples which Fujii’s schemes of “punctual” and “durative” fail to account for, and reanalyzes these counterexamples in terms of the lexical semantic features of verbs in S1 and S2 following the classifications of verbs by Kindaichi (1976). Based on this analysis, I propose an alternative hypothesis, in which I describe S1 in terms of the semantic features of predicates instead of grammatical aspectual marking, to account for the counterexamples for Fujii’s hypothesis.
In this study, I will analyze two similar expressions in Japanese: sugu and moosugu. Sugu and moosugu roughly share the semantics of “soon”; and the similarity between the two words sometimes causes difficulty for learners of Japanese in their uses. Makio and Tsutsui (1995) explain that when moosugu is used in compound sentence, “a triggering event” must be something that has occurred already, whereas “a triggered event” needs to be something that will occur in the near future. Similarity, Morita (1980) defines that moosugu can only be used in expressing a future event from the present perspective. In other words, it cannot be used in expressing a future event stemming from an action that took place in the past or may take place in the future. Can these observations account for every moosugu sentence without exeptions? What about the constraints for a sugu sentence? In this study, I hope to discover the semantic constraints on the use of sugu and moosugu, which would make it easier for Japanese learners in their acquisition of these expressions.
Ethnographic research has suggested that the affective meaning of interaction is a cultural characteristic of Japanese society. This research has focused primarily on affective markers in lexical items and grammatical structures as evidence of such a code in Japanese (McGloin. 1980; Cook. 1990; Ohta, 1991; Suzuki, 1995). Little research, however, has supports previous claims of affective meaning in Japanese, yet demonstrates that the intonational patterns equally as much as lexical items and grammatical structures provide us with evidence of the importance of affective meaning to achieve the interactional goal. Moreover, this study suggests that such affective markers used restrictively in in-group interaction. Studies of intonation in Australian English (Guy et al., 1986), New Zealand English (Britain, 1992), and Japanese (Inoue, 1994) have pointed to the high rising terminal (HRT) in declarative clauses as an innovated variable and not primarily an operator in polar questions. Inoue’s study (1994) demonstrates that the hearers’ impressions of HRT are that it is ‘impolite,’ ‘childish,’ and ‘frivolous.’ But the context and the actual functions of HRTs are not discussed in his study. Identifying the meaning of HRT in recent use requires careful attention to features of the specific situational context and discourse in which it was uttered. In date of casual conversation between close friends than of the interview, HRT primarily functions as politeness markers as: 1) a positive politeness (Brown & Levinson, 1987) makes to establish solidarity of a common ground between the interactors and 2) a negative politeness (Brown & Levinson 1987) maker to avoid negative impact in cooperative interaction. These pragmatic functions originated in the modal meaning of HRT; an epistemic maker to show the speaker’s confidence in the truth of the proposition expressed in the utterance. These results suggested that a linguistic variable reflected in the young people’s interactional norm is misperceived as impolite by our-group members.
It is a primary concern for Japanese language teachers to present grammar and vocabulary in the easiest way possible for the learners to understand and retain. The author argues that the most helpful way is to present the core concept of the item in question first, before approaching it from the structural point of view. This may especially be true when dealing with item(s) which many learners find confusing. In this paper, the effectiveness of teaching the core concept is tested by using moo and made, which are items often confused by learners. First, the core concepts of moo and made are discussed, followed by the presentation of a model to teach these concepts effectively. The effectiveness of the model was tested in a classroom setting. The results indicate positive effects of the use of core concepts on learners’ understanding and retention.
The listener contributes greatly to the development of a conversation. Back-channels (BCs) are one of the devices available to the listener to participate actively in the conversation. This study investigates some aspects of such an important conversational device used by JSL learners in casual conversation with native speakers. The subjects are ten JSL learners (five at the novice level, five at the advanced level) of intensive Japanese language course of Nanzan University. In date collection, subjects were introduced to have a conversation without any given topic. These conversations were videotaped and audio-recorded, so that I could analyze non-verbal BCs behavior such as head-nods. In this study, BCs are categorized as four types; BCs expressions, repetitions, making-up and head nods. In addition to those BCs, sentence completion which has the similar characteristic as BCs is also considered. BCs will be examined in terms of frequency, type, location and variety. By the comparison of the use of BCs among the novice students, the advanced students and native speakers, I found that (1) JSL learners produce BCs as frequently as native speakers do. (2) Learners at the novice level relatively tend to use head-nods instead of using BCs expression. (3) Sentence-completion seems to be more difficult for the novice learners. (4) JSL learners tend not insert BCs while the speaker is talking but to produce them after the speaker finishes talking. (5) Novice learners use lower variety of BCs expressions compared with advanced learners and native speakers.
This paper attempts to generalize the multiple functions of a post-normal particle in Japanese and represent the generalization with a simple graphic figure. The particles that are discussed are categorized into three groups: semantic particles (post positions) such as –ni, –e, –de, –to, –kara, –made, and –no; syntactic particles (case markers) such as –ga, –o, (and possibly –ni); and pragmatic particles such as –wa and –mo. It also claims that the proposed graphic figures are useful for teaching Japanese as a second language.
In formal learning situations, like university classes, foreign language learners are commonly taught explicit rules of grammar. The assumption is that learners will store the rules in their memory and later apply them when confronted with language processing tasks. The present study was designed to directly investigate this knowledge of rules, particularly rules of joshi, with learners of introductory Japanese as subjects. Based on previous studies, the following predictions were formulated: (1) the correlation between an explicit knowledge of rules and performance would be very high and (2) learners perform correctly, even if they lacked an explicit knowledge of rules. Twenty university students of introductory Japanese participated in this study. A grammatical judgment test of six joshi, was given to the students, who were then asked to explain the reasons for their choice of a particular joshi. Two weeks following the first test, a different test was conducted to further check the students’ knowledge of the six joshi. The results of both tests supported the two predications. It was further speculated that the use of josh in more complicated structures may require an explicit knowledge of rules.
MartinはSpeech Levels in Japan and Korea（1964）の中で、話者の敬語選択の指標として、他者性、地位、性別、年齢の４つを挙げ、さらにこの４つの優先順位を記した。本論では、実際に行われた対話から（１）これらの４つの要素を使って敬語使用を説明することができるか、又（２）４つの要素間の優先順位に変わりはないのかを考察した。結果として、制約はあるが、Martinの分析は、今日でも有効であり、敬語教育に利用できる可能性があることが示された。
Using the classroom narratives drawn from oral traditions is an effective means to teach a foreign language. Since stories that come out of oral tradition tend to contain many repetitions, they provide rich cultural references and include the use of colloquial speech and formulas, thus, they offer excellent ways to learn a language. Folk narratives are relatively shot and, thus can be easily adapted for use in an hour-long glass. Electronic media that have the capability of linking text, voice and images can integrate the spoken and written elements of folk tales. The use of hypermedia and the use of folk tales will support to enhance students’ cognition and develop independent thinking. In this paper, I would like to show how folk tales can be used in the development teaching materials. I would like to recommend using hypermedia computer program so that a story in the curriculum can be accompanied by visual images and audio. Visual images on the screen can enhance the students’ understanding. I will present a part of lesson plan using a folk take, Peach Boy together with hypertext for the purpose of teaching Japanese.